[Nasional-e] ANTI-WAR LABOR MOVEMENT GROWS
Ambon
nasional-e@polarhome.com
Thu Nov 21 05:36:18 2002
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Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Nov. 21, 2002
issue of Workers World newspaper
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AS BUSH SAVORS ELECTION VICTORY:
ANTI-WAR LABOR MOVEMENT GROWS
By Milt Neidenberg
Hardly any attention has been paid in the media to the labor
movement's role in the Nov. 5 elections and how labor will
be affected in their aftermath. The AFL-CIO, except for a
few defections to Republican candidates, went all out to
defeat the Bush administration. It failed. Much can be
learned from defeats; maybe these leaders will do some heavy
soul searching in the stormy period ahead.
One fact stands out. The AFL-CIO's support for the
Democratic Party and its liberal wing cost dearly.
Republican and Democratic campaigns alike buried the issue
uppermost in workers' minds: the economic crisis. Waging war
against Iraq along with homeland security and the so-called
war on terrorism overwhelmed the electorate. The AFL-CIO's
top leaders got entangled in the capitalist web.
Millions of the multinational work force--people of color,
women, youths and seniors, unemployed, lesbian, gay, bi and
trans workers, the poor--stood on the sidelines as the
Democrats succumbed to the blitz by Bush and his billionaire
supporters. Only 39 percent of eligible voters pulled the
levers in this lackluster election.
The workers expected a vigorous campaign to take on the
greedy, profit-driven moguls. It didn't happen.
AFL-CIO National Political Director Steve Rosenthal, who
directed labor's election strategy, ignored all these
critical factors in explaining labor's setback. He offered a
tepid criticism of the Democrats: "Overall, a lot of the
building blocks you need to put together Democratic
victories just weren't there in a lot of states. ...
Republicans gave their voters a reason to go out and vote
and the Democrats did not."
Nevertheless, the AFL-CIO leadership tried to overcome the
fruitless, do-nothing Democratic campaign. Led by AFL-CIO
President John Sweeney, they put on a massive push using
union power, money and other resources to get out the
membership to support the very same Democrats who had failed
their constituencies--labor, African Americans, Latinos,
women and the rest of the workers.
They contacted each of the 13.5 million members at least
four times. They deployed 750 full-time political organizers
across the country, handed out 20 million leaflets and
arranged transportation to the polls for tens of thousands
of workers.
In Las Vegas alone, they tracked over 10,000 union
households a day with high-tech PalmPilots and then
downloaded the data every night into a central computer.
They followed this up with an army of door knockers to get
out the vote to elect "labor-friendly" Democratic
candidates. A password-protected web site made this campaign
available to many other cities.
In late May, the AFL-CIO General Executive Board levied an
increase of four cents, making a total of 10 cents, on each
member of the 66 affiliates to build up the organizing and
electoral funds. How many millions of dollars were spent has
not been announced, but the labor movement was totally
outspent by its Democratic "friends" and billionaire
Republicans.
Now the Bush administration intends to turn back the clock
on many of the laws that labor fought for and won over
decades of struggle. Corporate America has begun to target
the labor movement. A Wall Street Journal headline on Nov.
8, only three days after the Bush victory, gloated: "Big
Labor Could Pay Price After GOP Gains." The article cited
only a few of the labor-friendly laws still on the books
that have to go.
The Fair Labor Standards Act is one. It protects workers'
rights with many regulations. Employers want to lengthen the
40-hour week to the "good ol' days" before unions were
organized. They want to weaken the Family and Medical Leave
Act that gives workers as much as 12 weeks of unpaid leave
for health and related problems. The bosses want these
workers on the job. Forget about their health and safety and
that of their loved ones.
Then there is the concern that the International Longshore
and Warehouse Union is too strong. Options include placing
dock workers under the auspices of the Railway Labor Act.
That would make government intervention against the union
easier than using the Taft-Hartley Act. An ILWU spokesperson
quoted in the Journal said these threats "are unlikely to
succeed."
There is a resistance emerging from below that could take
the glow out of the Bush electoral victory. The Wall Street
tycoons' shameless conduct has infuriated millions of
workers. They identify the Bush administration with the
obscene wealth that has been ripped off at their expense.
New York Times labor writer Steven Greenhouse, who has
extensive ties to both labor and management, wrote in an
Oct. 29 article that "the ebullient mood of American workers
during the 1990s boom has evaporated over the last two
years, a victim of recession, rising unemployment, a hobbled
stock market and scandals at WorldCom, Enron and other
corporations."
In the piece, headlined "The Mood at Work: Anger and
Anxiety" and published a week before the election,
Greenhouse warned his liberal capitalist constituents that
workers are fed up with the direction of the economy and
that major class struggles may soon break out:
"Most workers surveyed said they would vote to join a union.
... Workers are voicing a sense of anger, even betrayal
toward top executives. ... They're asking people to make
sacrifices ... [while they're] feeding at the trough to
enrich themselves."
Opposition to the Bush billionaire clique and their lies
about Iraq, homeland security, and the so-called war on
terror is growing. A sector of the organized labor movement
and a significant number of AFL-CIO labor councils have
taken up this attack. From the Washington State Federation
of Labor to the second-largest Teamsters union in the
country to the Albany Central Labor Council, many unions,
too numerous to mention, have passed anti-war resolutions
with overwhelming votes.
They oppose the Bush strategy to feed the war drive and the
military-industrial complex with billions of dollars that
could go toward desperately needed social and economic
programs.
As the anti-war labor movement grows, the labor bureaucracy
will feel the pressure to change direction. They have
reached a crossroad. The AFL-CIO must break with the two-
party system and the warmongers who speak for different
wings of the capitalist bosses. The labor movement's destiny
lies with the millions of anti-war activists and their many
constituencies that include anti-racist, anti-globalization
fighters, youths, seniors, women, and others. In the stormy
period ahead, there is no other way.
- END -
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